Vietnam: One Unaccounted For

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The foreign ministry assigned the consulate general to maintain close contact with local authorities to update information and take necessary measures to protect the legitimate rights and interests of crew members. The company is working closely with Hong Kong authorities to determine the cause of the incident. The ship was built in South Korea in , measuring more than meters long and Prior to the accident, the Aulac Fortune docked in Dongguan port in Guangdong, China before leaving at pm on Monday.

If you want to share your story, publish a press release or just want to ask something, contact Vietnam Insider via info vietnaminsider. One sailor died and two remained nowhere to be found, while three others were injured.


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NT Country Hour. Australian cattle have been left unaccounted for after being exported to Vietnam. Key points Cattle go missing Vietnam Key points: One incident shows CCTV cameras were tampered with before head of cattle went missing from a feedlot In another incident a live exporter could not account for 1, animals it had shipped to Vietnam After the live export ban in , the industry signed up to a system designed to ensure positive welfare outcomes for livestock. More than 90, head of cattle and nearly buffalo have been exported to Vietnam this year.

Rural Newsletter Rural news in your inbox? Related articles article Live cattle exports boom but there's no end in sight to the dry conditions. Livestock Top Stories Drought hits egg producers hard but egg prices unlikely to rise. Farmers turn to fruit to keep cattle alive during drought. Animals Australia to seek injunction to stop sheep ship.

Drovers say Australia's legendary outback stock routes in danger of collapse.

To anyone who knows my independent nature, it sounds as artificial as the deliberately staged confessions of captured American fliers during the recent Persian Gulf War. But it illustrates just how fully I had adopted the official government role. Every two months I could send Frank a six-and-a-half-pound package. Suggested contents included toothpaste, playing cards, vitamins, socks, underwear, soap, canned meat, bouillon cubes, raisins, candy, cheeses, and photographs.

I remember how apprehensive I was the first time I also included cigars, an item not mentioned on the list.

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About once a month I received a letter that detailed any changes of policy. Why was I being treated as though Frank and I had done something shameful? And although I had been asked to remain silent, information about me was being used by politicians. My local congressman, Bill Brock, told a story in his local campaign speeches about my asking him for help which, following navy guidelines, I had stressed should remain confidential ; he colored both my request and the possibility of what he could do to appeal to local voters.

In I joined the National League of Families of American Prisoners and Missing in Southeast Asia—an organization founded by the families, but fundamentally upholding government policy and receiving government support and encouragement.

I tried to arrange a meeting between Lowenstein and Stockdale, but she refused to cooperate because of his antiwar stance. I have always suspected that her actions were being dictated by government policy, but I have no way of knowing how much official advice she received or followed. I often resented the rhetoric of war protesters as well.

Yet I continued to talk to people like Cora Weiss, co-chair of the left-wing Committee of Liaison, whom I asked for help in establishing communications with the North Vietnamese. It became clear to me that the POW-MIA issue was being presented as an excuse to continue an otherwise unpopular war; the missing were being used to justify our increased bombing.

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Al Lowenstein suggested that my going public might actually help Frank, rather than harm him. He put me in touch with John Siegenthaler, the editor of the Nashville Tennessean. The government did not object. For reasons never clearly stated, its policy had changed.

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After the release of the first three prisoners in , the word went out through our monthly newsletters from the military, through our casualty assistance officers, and through the National League of Families that now we could take our suffering to the public. At league meetings we were asked to conduct letter-writing campaigns to show the Vietnamese what the people in the villages of America thought of their treatment of prisoners. Businessman H. Ross Perot spoke at these meetings, garnering support for his attempts to take food and supplies to the prisoners.

The Pentagon encouraged us to woo the media to mobilize world opinion against the North Vietnamese. Generally, they were kind and supportive. But I received a number of phone calls from heavy breathers who offered to help me out with my sex life, and others who offered to find Frank for me using a variety of methods that ranged from witchcraft to prayer.

One dead, two missing as Vietnamese oil tanker catches fire off Hong Kong - Vietnam Insider

When I was interviewed on local television and radio shows, I was surprised by the questions some interviewers and callers asked. They seemed more interested in knowing intimate details about my life than in learning about the MIA situation. Privately, I had felt for some time that the war was wrong—both morally and practically—but I hesitated to express these sentiments because I feared such remarks might have serious repercussions for Frank, or might be used as propaganda tactics against other POWs. So I remained officially silent about my doubts. In the spring of , encouraged by both our government and the trips other wives had made, I went to Paris.

Calling at the North Vietnamese consulate at 2 rue le Verrier, the two translators I had found through the American embassy and I were greeted civilly and allowed to enter. I was struck by the contrast between the elegance of the American embassy and the shabbiness of the North Vietnamese consulate.

This was my first encounter with Vietnamese people, and I was also humbled by their small physical stature. By comparison, I felt Brobdingnagian, insensitive, and clumsy. But often my speeches, and those of other wives of MIAs, were used for other political purposes. In fact, the number of MIAs itself was, from the beginning, a highly politicized question.

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My audience became quiet and unresponsive. No one spoke to me afterward. The National League of Families meeting held in Washington in July crystallized my decision to pursue my own course and ignore the one our government was dictating. At last I stood up, and left—both the meeting and the organization. I wanted no part of a group whose allegiance precluded questioning such leaders as Nixon and Agnew. By this time President Nixon, Defense Secretary Melvin Laird, and other administration officials had escalated the frequency of their claims that we must remain in Southeast Asia to ensure the release of American POWs.

So commenced a series of days in Paris that always began with a trip to the North Vietnamese consulate. Encore, eh? What do you want? I would like to ask you about my husband.

If I knew foreign visitors were likely to be present at the consulate, I would try to time my visit to coincide—making an effort to embarrass the North Vietnamese. Once I asked the secretary, directly, if Frank was dead. I explained that it would be to her advantage to give me all the information she had on all the men so that President Nixon would have fewer names to use as an excuse for keeping our troops in Vietnam, but she refused. Sometimes I tried to get the secretary to pass him copies of articles that Kathy Sawyer had written about me for the Tennessean , notes explaining my position and my plans to return every day, and cards with my address and phone number.

Occasionally the secretary would give me pamphlets that restated her instructions to me in English.